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瀵归儜鍥芥仼鍏充簬vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙i棶棰樿艾璁虹殑浜嬪疄鍥炲嚮鈥斺斿熀浜巚p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗悇鏃忎汉姘戠敓鑲叉剰鎰跨殑璋冩煡鐮旂┒鎶ュ憡

淇℃伅浣滆咃細  淇℃伅鏃ユ湡锛2020-09-14 08:55:39

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2020骞6鏈29鏃ワ紝缇庡浗鍥藉姟鍗胯摤浣╁ゥ鍙戣〃銆婅涓浗鍦╲p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗己鍒惰鍒掔敓鑲插拰寮哄埗缁濊偛璁″垝銆嬬殑鎵璋撳0鏄庛傚悓鏃ワ紝缇庤仈绀惧垔鍙戦涓衡滀腑鍥戒负鍑忓皯缁存棌浜哄彛瀵瑰叾閲囧彇寮哄埗鐢熻偛鎺у埗鈥濓紙娉細缇庤仈绀炬姤閬撳叿浣撹锛歨ttps://apnews.com/e2674c069d46f6d5c9a3d3be40d612d4锛夌殑鎵璋撹皟鏌ユ姤閬撱傝摤浣╁ゥ鐨勫0鏄庡強缇庤仈绀剧殑鎶ラ亾鍧囧绉颁腑鍥芥斂搴滀负閬忓埗灏戞暟姘戞棌浜哄彛鐨勬暟閲忥紝閲囧彇涓ュ帀鐨勫濂崇粷鑲叉帾鏂藉墛鍑忕淮鍚惧皵鏃忓強鍏朵粬灏戞暟姘戞棌鐨勫嚭鐢熺巼銆

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璇ユ姤鍛婄殑浣滆呴儜鍥芥仼鍙楅泧浜庣編鍥芥斂搴滄敮鎸佺殑鏋佸彸缈肩粍缁囧叡浜т富涔夊彈闅捐呭熀閲戜細銆傝鍩洪噾浼氳嚜1983骞村缓绔嬩互鏉ワ紝澶氭鏃犺瀹㈣浜嬪疄锛屼负鏌愪簺缃绱疮鐨勬亹鎬栧垎瀛愰鍙戞墍璋撯滀汉鏉冨鈥濓紝璇嬫瘉涓浗鍦ㄦ不鐞唙p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗拰鎶楀嚮鏂板啝鑲虹値涓殑璐$尞銆傞儜鍥芥仼鍦ㄦ姤鍛婁腑瀹gО锛屸滈氳繃瀵规斂搴滄枃浠剁殑绯荤粺鍒嗘瀽锛岃繖浜涗紶闂伙紙vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗己鍒惰鍒掔敓鑲插帇鍒剁淮鍚惧皵鏃忓嚭鐢熺巼锛夌殑鐪熷疄鎬у拰瑙勬ā绗竴娆″緱浠ョ‘璁も濓紙娉細閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婏紝绗2椤点傦級锛屽苟鍒椾妇鍑轰粬鎵璋撲竴绯诲垪鈥滈噸澶р濆彂鐜般傛帴涓嬫潵锛屾垜浠皢杩愮敤瀹㈣浜嬪疄鍜岀湡瀹炴暟鎹彮寮杩欎簺鈥滈噸澶р濆彂鐜扮殑鐪熷疄闈㈢洰锛屾埑绌块儜鍥芥仼閫氳繃鎹忛犱簨瀹炪佺鏀规暟鎹瓑鎵嬫鐐埗鍑虹殑绉嶇璋庤█銆

 

璋庤█涓锛歷p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼鎬ュ墽涓嬮檷銆

閮戝浗鎭╁湪鎶ュ憡涓绉帮紝鑷2015骞翠互鏉ワ紝vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼鎬ラ熶笅闄嶏紝鍏朵腑2018骞村拰鐢板拰鍠浠鍦板尯浜哄彛鑷劧澧為暱鐜囦粎涓2.58鈥帮紙娉細閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婏紝绗2椤碉紝绗8椤点傦級锛屽苟鍊熸灏唙p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗘皯鏃忓钩绛夌殑浜哄彛鏀跨瓥鎭舵剰璇嬫瘉涓衡滅鏃忕伃缁濃濄

浣嗙湡鐩告槸锛屾牴鎹妚p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗙粺璁″勾閴2019銆嬫樉绀猴紝2018骞村崡鐤嗗洓鍦板窞浜哄彛鑷劧澧為暱鐜囨儏鍐靛涓嬶細鍏嬪瓬鍕掕嫃鏌皵鍏嬪瓬鑷不宸烇紙浠ヤ笅绠绉扳滃厠宸炩濓級涓11.45鈥帮紝闃垮厠鑻忓湴鍖轰负5.67鈥帮紝鍠浠鍦板尯涓6.93鈥帮紝鍜岀敯鍦板尯涓2.96鈥帮紙娉細銆妚p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗙粺璁″勾閴2019銆嬶紝琛3-6鍚勫湴銆佸窞銆佸競銆佸幙锛堝競锛 浜哄彛鑷劧鍙樺姩鎯呭喌锛岀82-83椤点傦級銆傞儜鍥芥仼鎵寮曠敤鐨勬暟鎹笌瀹㈣鏁版嵁涓ラ噸涓嶇銆傛澶栵紝浠栧湪鎻愬強鐩稿叧鏁版嵁鏃朵篃鏈爣鏄庤鏁版嵁鐨勫叿浣撴潵婧愶紝鍏舵暟鎹殑鐪熷疄鎬т护浜烘鐤戙

鑷2015骞翠互鏉ワ紝vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼纭湁涓嬮檷锛屼絾鍏朵笅闄嶇▼搴︾粷闈為儜鍥芥仼鎶ュ憡閲屾墍杩扮殑閭h埇鈥滄ュ墽鈥濄2018骞磛p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼涓6.13鈥帮紝楂樹簬褰撳勾鍏ㄥ浗浜哄彛鑷劧澧為暱鐜3.81鈥帮紙娉細銆婁腑鍥界粺璁″勾閴2019銆嬭〃2-8鍒嗗湴鍖轰汉鍙g殑鍩庝埂鏋勬垚鍜屽嚭鐢熺巼銆佹浜$巼銆佽嚜鐒跺闀跨巼(2018骞)锛歨ttp://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2019/indexch.htm銆傦級銆傚湪鍚庢枃涓紝鎴戜滑灏嗚繍鐢ㄥ瑙傛暟鎹強妗堜緥鍏蜂綋璇存槑锛寁p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒剁敓鑲茬巼鍑虹幇鐨勫彉鍔ㄦ槸姝e父鐜拌薄锛屽苟涓旇繖涓鍙樺姩涓庝腑鍥芥斂搴滈暱鏈熸帹鍔ㄥ濂冲効绔ユ潈鐩婁繚鎶ゅ伐浣滄墍鍙栧緱鐨勬垚灏卞瘑涓嶅彲鍒嗭紝鏇存槸vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗皯鏁版皯鏃忓濂宠嚜涓荤敓鑲叉剰鎰跨殑浣撶幇銆

鍙﹀锛寁p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗕汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼涓嬮檷鐨勫師鍥犳洿缁濋潪鏄摤浣╁ゥ涓庨儜鍥芥仼鎵瀹gО鐨勭敱涓浗鏀垮簻瀵瑰皯鏁版皯鏃忓眳姘戞帹琛屽己鍒剁敓鑲叉帶鍒舵斂绛栭犳垚鐨勩2017骞7鏈堟柊淇畾鐨勩妚p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗙淮鍚惧皵鑷不鍖轰汉鍙d笌璁″垝鐢熻偛鏉′緥銆嬩腑鏄庣‘鎸囧嚭锛屸渧p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗疄鏂解滃煄浜屽啘涓夆濈敓鑲叉斂绛栵細鍩庨晣灞呮皯涓瀵瑰か濡诲彲鐢熻偛涓や釜瀛愬コ锛屽啘鏉戝眳姘戜竴瀵瑰か濡诲彲鐢熻偛涓変釜瀛愬コ鈥濓紙娉細鍏蜂綋瑙侊細https://www.sohu.com/a/352896992_363955銆傦級銆傝屾柊淇畾鐨勬潯渚嬩笌姝ゅ墠vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗皯鏁版皯鏃忓煄闀囧眳姘戝彲鐢熻偛涓や釜瀛愬コ锛屽皯鏁版皯鏃忓啘鐗ф皯鍙敓鑲蹭笁涓瓙濂崇殑璁″垝鐢熻偛鏀跨瓥涔嬮棿骞舵湭浠讳綍鍐茬獊銆傝繖姝f槸涓浗鏀垮簻涓瑙嗗悓浠佸湴淇濇姢鍖呮嫭灏戞暟姘戞棌鍦ㄥ唴鐨勫悇鏃忎汉姘戝悎娉曟潈鐩婄殑浜哄彛鏀跨瓥鐨勫叿浣撲綋鐜般傛墍璋撳灏戞暟姘戞棌灞呮皯鎺ㄨ寮哄埗鐢熻偛鎺у埗鏀跨瓥绾睘鏃犵ń涔嬭皥锛屽皢vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗘皯鏃忓钩绛夌殑浜哄彛鐢熻偛宸ヤ綔鎶归粦涓衡滅鏃忕伃缁濃濓紝鏇存槸鍙嶆槧浜嗘煇浜涜タ鏂瑰浗瀹跺拰鏈烘瀯鏋佸叾闄╂伓鐨勭敤蹇冦

 

璋庤█浜岋細鍏嬪瓬鍕掕嫃鏌皵鍏嬪瓬鑷不宸炲埗瀹氫簡2020骞磋宸炶嚜鐒跺闀跨巼鎺ヨ繎浜庨浂鐨勭洰鏍囥

閮戝浗鎭┾滃紩鐢ㄢ濄婂厠瀛滃嫆鑻忔煰灏斿厠瀛滆嚜娌诲窞鍗敓鍋ュ悍濮斿憳浼2020骞撮儴闂ㄩ绠楀叕寮銆嬶紝鎸囧嚭鍏嬪窞鈥滆瀹氫簡鍓嶆墍鏈湁鐨勬帴杩戦浂鐨勪汉鍙e闀跨洰鏍団濓紙娉細閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婏紝绗2椤碉紝绗9椤碉紝绗25椤点傦級锛屽嵆璇ュ窞2020骞翠汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼闄嶄綆鑷1.05鈥帮紙娉細閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婏紝绗9椤点傦級锛屽苟鍊熸璁鸿瘉涓浗鏀垮簻瀵圭淮鍚惧皵鏃忕瓑灏戞暟姘戞棌閲囧彇寮哄埗鐢熻偛鎺у埗鐨勮娉曘

浜嬪疄涓婏紝閮戝浗鎭╃殑鎶ュ憡涓畬鍏ㄧ鏀逛簡鍏嬪窞鐩稿叧鏂囦欢鐨勬暟瀛椼傚厠宸炲崼鍋ュ棰勭畻鎶ュ憡锛堟敞锛氭湰鏂囧紩鐢ㄧ殑銆婂厠瀛滃嫆鑻忔煰灏斿厠瀛滆嚜娌诲窞鍗敓鍋ュ悍濮斿憳浼2020骞撮儴闂ㄩ绠楀叕寮銆嬫槸浠庨儜鍥芥仼鎶ュ憡灏炬敞19鐨勯摼鎺ヤ腑鑾峰彇锛屽嵆绗旇呬笌閮戝浗鎭╀娇鐢ㄧ殑鏄悓涓鎶ュ憡锛岀瑪鑰呭彧瀵瑰叧閿暟瀛楄繘琛屼簡楂樹寒澶勭悊銆傝鍥1锛変腑锛屽叾椤圭洰鏀嚭鐩爣琛ㄤ腑鈥滀汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼鈥濅娇鐢ㄧ殑鏄櫨鍒嗘瘮锛屽嵆1.05%锛屽叾鎹㈢畻涓哄崈鍒嗘瘮鐜囧悗涓10.5鈥般傝繖涓鏁板瓧涓2018骞村厠宸炰汉鍙h嚜鐒跺闀跨巼11.45%锛堟敞锛氭暟鎹潵婧愶細銆妚p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗙粺璁″勾閴2019銆嬶紝琛3-6鍚勫湴銆佸窞銆佸競銆佸幙锛堝競锛変汉鍙h嚜鐒跺彉鍔ㄧ姸鍐碉紝绗83椤点傦級宸窛骞朵笉澶с備絾閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婂嵈鏁呮剰绡℃敼浜嗘瘮鐜囩殑鍗曚綅锛屾崗閫犺櫄鍋囨暟瀛楁潵鎭舵剰鏀诲嚮鎶归粦涓浗鏀垮簻鍦ㄦ皯鏃忓湴鍖烘帹琛岀殑璁″垝鐢熻偛鏀跨瓥锛屽叾闄╂伓鐢ㄥ績鏄劧鑻ユ彮銆

鍥1锛氬厠宸炲崼鍋ュ鎶ュ憡鎴浘

 

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鈥滃皢杩濆弽璁″垝鐢熻偛鐨勫濂抽佸叆鏁欏煿涓績鈥濇槸閮戝浗鎭╂姤鍛婂埗閫犵殑绗笁涓皫瑷銆傝鎶ュ憡绉帮紝vp鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗘斂搴滄枃浠惰瀹氾紝杩濇硶鐢熻偛鑰呭皢鍙傚姞鏁欏煿涓績瀛︿範锛屽苟鈥滀綈璇佲濅簡鈥滃ⅷ鐜夊悕鍗曗濅腑鎵鎻愬強鐨勮繚鍙嶈鍒掔敓鑲叉斂绛栨槸鍙傚姞鏁欏煿瀛︿範鐨勬渶甯歌鍘熷洜銆

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鍙﹀锛岄儜鍥芥仼鎶ュ憡涓彁鍙婄殑鎵璋撯滃皢杩濇硶鐢熻偛鑰呴佸叆鏁欏煿涓績鐨勨樺ⅷ鐜夊悕鍗曗欌濓紝鍒板簳鏄庢牱鐨勪竴浠芥枃浠跺憿锛2020骞2鏈堣タ鏂瑰獟浣撳叕甯冧簡涓浠芥病鏈変换浣曞畼鏂规埑璁版墍璋撶殑鈥滄斂搴滄枃浠垛濓紝瀹gО杩欎唤鏂囦欢璇︾粏璁板綍浜唙p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗗ⅷ鐜夊幙300澶氬悕缁村惥灏旀棌灞呮皯琚滃叧鎶尖濆湪鏁欏煿涓績鐨勫師鍥犲強鍦ㄦ暀鍩逛腑蹇冪殑琛ㄧ幇锛屽苟瀹gО杩濇硶鐢熻偛鏄鈥滃叧鎶尖濆湪鏁欏煿涓績鐨勯瑕佸師鍥犮傘婁腑鍥芥棩鎶ャ2鏈24鏃ョ殑鎶ラ亾缁忚鐪熻皟鏌ヤ簡瑙o紝鎵璋撯滃ⅷ鐜夊悕鍗曗濇墍鍒楃殑311浜猴紝缁濆ぇ澶氭暟閮芥槸澧ㄧ帀鍘垮崥鏂潶琛楅亾鐨勫眳姘戯紝浠栦滑涓鐩村湪绀句細涓婃甯稿伐浣滅敓娲伙紝浠庢潵娌″弬鍔犺繃鑱屼笟鎶鑳芥暀鑲插煿璁紝鍙湁鏋佷釜鍒劅鏌撳畻鏁欐瀬绔富涔夈佹湁杞诲井杩濇硶鐘姜鐨勪汉鍛樻浘渚濇硶鎺ュ彈鑱屼笟鎶鑳芥暀鑲插煿璁紙娉細銆婁腑鍥芥棩鎶ャ嬪叧浜庡ⅷ鐜夊悕鍗曠殑鎶ラ亾鈥淥fficials: Xinjiang 'name list' terrorist hoax鈥濓細https://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202002/24/WS5e5307e9a3101282172799f1.html銆傦級銆傛濡傘婄幆鐞冩椂鎶ャ嬬殑绀捐瘎鎵鎸囧嚭鐨勶紝杩欎唤鈥滃ⅷ鐜夊悕鍗曗濇槸鎹忛犵殑锛屽畠鐨勫嚭鐜版槸瑗挎柟鐐掍綔銆佹姽榛戜腑鍥絭p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗘斂绛栫殑鎯敤浼庝咯锛堟敞锛氥婄幆鐞冩椂鎶ャ嬬ぞ璇勨滆タ濯掑洿缁晇p鑿犺彍缃戠櫥闄嗙殑浣滅杩樿婕斿涔呪濓細https://opinion.huanqiu.com/article/9CaKrnKpsia銆傦級銆

 

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鍥2锛氥婁腑鍥藉崼鐢熷仴搴风粺璁″勾閴2019銆嬫埅鍥

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Responding to Adrian Zenz鈥檚 Lies on Xinjiang鈥檚 Birth Control:

A Survey on Fertility Willingness of Ethnic Minority Women

in Xinjiang

Lin Fangfei, Ph.D

School of Politics and Public Administration, Xinjiang University

US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo published a press statementtitled 鈥淥n China鈥檚 Coercive Family Planning and Forced Sterilization Program in Xinjiang鈥漮n 29 June 2020. On the same day, the Associated Press released an investigation report titled 鈥淐hina forces birth control on Uighurs to suppress population鈥濓紙See this report athttps://apnews.com/e2674c069d46f6d5c9a3d3be40d612d4, accessed on September 1, 2020.锛. Both Pompeo鈥 statement and the Associated Press鈥檚 report claimed that aiming to curb the Muslim population in Xinjiang, Chinese government has taken a series of draconian measures to slash birth rates among Uighurs and other minorities.

One research report, written by Adrian Zenz and titled by 鈥淪terilizations, IUDs, and mandatory birth control: The CCP's campaign to suppress Uyghur birth rates in Xinjiang鈥 (hereinafter, referred to as Zenz鈥檚 report), was published by Jamestown Foundation in June 2020. Zenz鈥檚 report is the main citing source of Pompeo鈥檚 statement and the Associated Press鈥檚 investigation report. Zenz鈥檚 report claimed thatits data was quoted from China鈥檚 official documents and statistical yearbook, yet in fact, this report has a large number of problems, mainly including fabricating facts and falsifying data. Thewording that Chinese government has adopted compulsory sterilization to Uyghur women in Xinjiang, in the essence, is a baseless fake news whichwas concocted by US government and somewestern foundations and scholars with anti-communist background.

Adrian Zenz,the author of the report, is a Germany scholar hired by The Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation 鈥 an extreme right-wing organization sponsored by the US government. Since its establishment in 1983, this foundation, disregarding the objective facts, has repeatedly conferred so-called 鈥渉uman rights awards鈥 tosome criminal terrorists, and slandered and denied China鈥檚 salient contribution in fighting against COVID-19. Inhis report, Zenz listed his so-called significant research findingsof Chinese government suppressingUyghur birth ratesby mandatorymeasures, and declared that 鈥淸f]or the first time, the veracity and scale of these anecdotal accounts锛圱hese anecdotal accounts here refer to 鈥渕andatory birth control in Xinjiang鈥.锛 can be confirmed through a systematic analysis of government documents鈥濓紙Zenz鈥檚 report锛宲2.锛. In the following sections, using objective facts and statistical data, we will refute Zenz鈥檚 鈥渟ignificant鈥 research findings and eventually expose how he concocted these lies through fabricating facts and falsifying data.

 

Lie 1: The natural population growth rate in Xinjiang has a sharp decrease.

To denigrated maliciously denigrated China鈥檚 population policy based on ethnic equality as a 鈥済enocide鈥 policy, Zenz asserted that since 2015, the natural population growth rate in Xinjiang has dropped sharply, and in 2018 the natural population growth rate of Hotan and Kashgar was merely 2.58鈥帮紙See Zenz鈥檚 report, p2, p8.銆傦級.

Yet, the data Zenz cited in the report is seriously inconsistent with real official statistical data. According toXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019, the natural population growth rates of the four prefectures in south Xinjiang in 2018 are as follows: Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecturewas 11.45鈥, Aksu Prefecturewas 5.67鈥, Kashgar Prefecturewas 6.93鈥, Hotan Prefecturewas 2.96鈥帮紙SeeXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019, 鈥Table 3-6: Natural Changes of Population by Prefecture, City, County鈥, p82-83.锛. In addition, Zenz did notindicate the accurate source of relevant data when he referring to the natural population growth rates in Hotan and Kashgar. Thus, the data probably is untrustworthy, and its authenticity is problematic as well.

Xinjiang鈥檚 natural population growth rate has indeed declined since 2015, however,its decline is by no means as 鈥渟harp鈥 asdescribed in Zenz鈥檚 report. Xinjiang鈥檚naturalpopulation growth rate in 2018 is 6.13鈥, which was higher than the national natural population growth rate of 3.81鈥帮紙SeeChinese Statistical Yearbook 2019, 鈥淭able 2-8 the urban-rural composition, birth rate, death rate, and natural growth rate of population by regions (2018)鈥,http://www.stats.gov.cn/tjsj/ndsj/2019/indexch.htm, accessed on September 2, 2020.锛. In final section, by presenting the objective data and some specific cases, I will argue thatthe changes occurring in the natural growth rate of Xinjiang鈥檚 population is areasonable phenomenon, rather than consequenceof so-called mandatoryintervention by Chinese government, elaboratethe reasons of decreasing growthrate in Xinjiang 鈥攊tis mainly caused by decreasing fertility willingnessof ethnic minority women, and amply reflectsChina鈥檚efforts and achievements in promoting the protection of women鈥檚 and children鈥檚 rights over a long period of time.

Pompeoand Zenz鈥檚 claimis a groundless statement that the decreasingnatural population growth rate in Xinjiang is mainly caused by mandatory birth control policies implemented by Chinese government upon ethnic minority residents. 鈥淩egulations on Population and Family Planning of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region鈥,the local regulationrelated to Xinjiang鈥檚family planning policy thatwas newly revised in July 2017, clearly stated that Xinjiang implements the birth policy that one urban couple is admitted to have two children, and one rural couple is admitted to have three children锛圫eehttps://www.sohu.com/a/352896992_363955, accessed on September 2, 2020.锛. There is no conflict between this newly revised regulation and the previous regulation in referring to the family planning policy of ethnic minorities 鈥攁fter new regulationbeing issued,the urban ethnic minoritycouplesstill havethe right of having two children, and the rural couples also havekept the right of having three children.The protection of reproductive rightsof ethnic minoritiesin Xinjiang is exactly the concrete manifestationof Chinese government鈥檚 insistence in protecting the legal rights of allthe ethnic groups withoutany discrimination. Westerncountries鈥檇efamation of Xinjiang鈥檚 family planning policies is completely nonsense and only reflects their extremely sinister intentions.

 

Lie 2: Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture has set an unprecedented near-zero population growth target for 2020a mere 1.05 per mille.

Citing the data from one official document titled 鈥淒epartmental Budget of Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Health Commission 2020鈥, Zenz claimed that Kizilsu government has 鈥渟et an unprecedented near-zero population growth target鈥濓紙Zenz鈥檚 report, p.2, p9, p25.锛, that is Kizilsu鈥檚 natural population growth rate plans to be reduced to 1.05鈥 in 2020锛圛bid, p9.锛.Zenzthus used this new 鈥渆vidence鈥漷o continue confirming his absurd conclusion that Chinese government has adopted compulsory birth control against Uighurs and other minorities.

Actually, Zenz鈥檚 report completely falsified the figures in the official documents of Kizilsu government. In this document from Kizilsu鈥檚 Health Commission锛圛 directlydownloadedthis official document from the website link provided by Zenz鈥檚 report.锛, it clearly indicates that thegoal of natural population growth ratein 2020is 1.05% (see Figure 1), that is 10.5鈥, if conversed intothe unit of pre mille.This numberis not much different from Kizilsu鈥檚natural population growth rate of 11.45%锛圫eeXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019,鈥淭able 3-6: Natural Changes of Population by Prefecture, City, County鈥, p83.锛. However, Zenz, throughdeliberately tampering with the unit of the ratio and fabricating false figures, attacked and discredited the family planning policies implemented by Chinese governmentwithsinisterpurposes.

Figure 1: Screen-shot of 鈥淒epartmental Budget of Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Health Commission 2020鈥

 

Lie 3: Those ethnic minority women who violated Xinjiang鈥檚 family planning policies would beimprisonedto the vocational education and training center.

This is the third lie made by Zenz in his report. He claimed thatXinjiang鈥檚 government documents stipulate that those ethnic minority women who violate family planning policieswould be sent to the vocational education and training center. He regarded these official documents asa piece of 鈥渟trong鈥 evidenceto prove theauthenticityof 鈥淜arakax List鈥. 鈥淜arakax List鈥 pointed out that the violations of family planning policies were the most common reason for internment.

Ironically, afterlooking through these officialdocuments Zenz listed and quoted in the report, I has not found any evidences to prove Zenz鈥檚 statement.On the contrary, all the documents emphasized that the family planning work must be carried out in compliance with national laws and local regulations.

In the white paper ofVocational Education and Training in Xinjiangpublished by the State Council Information Office, it is clearly stated that,Xinjiang鈥檚 vocational education and training work aims to 鈥減revent the breeding and spread of terrorism and religious extremism, effectively curbing the frequent terrorist incidents and protecting the rights to life, health, and development of the people of all ethnic groups鈥濓紙See this white paper:http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/2019-08/16/content_5421633.htm, accessed on September 2, 2020.锛.The Population and Family Planning Law of the People's Republic of Chinaalso has clearly stipulated about the penalties for the acts violating the law, that is,the illegalchild-bearers will pay social compensation fee. The official website of Xinjiang鈥檚 government has a detailed policy interpretation on family planning policy in Xinjiang. Itinterprets that, in the casethat residents who are temporarily unable to pay social compensation fee due tofamilies鈥檈conomic difficulties, the payment can be deferred or paid in installments. It fully demonstrates that the Chinese government not only obeys the principle of ruling the country by law, but also has the characteristics of humanity during the specific implementation process. Zenz鈥檚 report, however,deliberately fabricatedthe non-existent connection between the establishment ofvocational education and training center and the illegal activities violating the law of family planning, in an attempt to stigmatize and attack China鈥檚 family planning policies and to negate the achievements of vocational education and training work in anti-terrorism.

What is 鈥淜arakax List鈥, a so-called leak official documentmentioned in Zenz鈥檚 report? In February 2020, some Western media released a document without any official stamps, claiming that this documentcalled 鈥淜arakax List鈥 recordedthe specificreasons in details whymore than 300 Uyghur residents were detained in vocational education and training center inKarakax county. According to this document, the illegalchildbirth was the primary reason for Uyghur residents鈥 being detained.China Dailydida careful investigation and verification about鈥淜arakax List鈥 in this February. This report found thatthe vast majority of the 311 Uyghur residents listedon the 鈥淜arakax List鈥 have been working and living normally in society the whole time, and only very few people, who were affected by religious extremism and committed minor offenses, received vocational education and training锛ChinaDaily,鈥淥fficials: Xinjiang 'name list' terrorist hoax鈥濓紝February 24,2020. Seehttps://www.chinadaily.com.cn/a/202002/24/WS5e5307e9a3101282172799f1.html, accessed on September 3, 2020.锛. The 鈥淜arakax List鈥, as one editorialfromGlobal Timespointed out, was totallyfabricated, and its concurrence reflected the customary tactic used by Western countries to discredit China鈥檚 Xinjiang policy锛Global Times,鈥淲hen will Western media show around Xinjiang end?鈥, February 28, 2020. See锛歨ttps://opinion.huanqiu.com/article/9CaKrnKpsia, accessed on September 3, 2020.锛.

 

Lie 4: In 2018, at least 80percentof the new surgeriesof IUDplacementsinChinawerepreformedinXinjiang.

Figure 2: Screen-shot ofChina Health Statistical Yearbook 2019

Zenz continued making up some sensational conclusions in his report - In 2018, at least 80 percent of the new surgeries of IUD placements in China were preformed in Xinjiang锛圸enz鈥檚 report锛宲3.锛. In fact, according toChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019officially published by the National Health Commission, the number of new surgeries of IUD placement in Xinjiang in 2018 was 328,475, and the number of new surgeries nationwide was 3,774,318 (See Figure 2). It is easily estimated that the number of Xinjiang鈥檚 newsurgeries of IUD placements accounted for only 8.7% of thenational number.Obviously, the percentage Zenz concluded isfar from the real data.

Another evidencealso confirms that Zenz鈥檚data wastotally fabricated. The number of new surgeries of IUD placements in Xinjiang did not showobviousfluctuations from 2015 to 2018,and actually,the number ofnew surgeries of Xinjiangin 2018decreased, compared with 2015锛圫ee the table 鈥淔amily planning operations in various regions鈥 Selected fromChina Health and Family Planning Statistical Yearbook 2016andChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019.锛. Ironically, Zenz claimed that his data sourceswere all from official statistics,yet he was unable to use the officialdata to calculatea right answer that ought to be obtained by avery simple division.

 

Lie 5: The Chinese government has performed compulsory birth control operations on Uyghur women whoonlyhaveonechild,andtheshares of women aged 18 to 49 who were either widowed or in menopause have more than doubled since the onset of the internment campaign in KuqaCounty.

In his report, Zenz presented one form that recordingthe situationof IUD checking forwomen by quarterin one District, Payzawat County (see Figure 3),and criticizedthat the localhealth and family planning department conducted excessively frequent inspections on ethnic minority women锛圸enz鈥檚 report锛宲12, 13.锛. Then, he took this 鈥渆vidence鈥漷o prove his findings thatthe Chinese government even took compulsory birth control measures on Uyghur women with only one child.

Chin's fertility technical services have insisted the principle of combining state guidance and individual voluntary, and emphasized that all the Chinese citizens have the right to be informed of freely choosing contraceptive methods.The decisions of operating birth control surgeries that Uyghur and other ethnic minority residentsmade is fullybased on their willingnessand full knowledge about the surgeries. In other words,one woman has the right todecide to have herself sterilized after having one child.The sources of the form Zenz providedwere unknownand unidentified, and this formdid not contain any evidence to prove that women鈥檚 choice to operate IUD placement after having a child is a government-compulsory behavior, not a voluntary behavior. Zenz鈥檚 conclusion is not the fact but the product of his extrapolation.

Figure 3: Quarterly IUD check list for Kumarik District, Payzawat County, directly cited from Zenz鈥檚 report, p. 13.

It should be mentionedhere that the World Health Organization (WHO) has clearly verified the safetyof IUDs. In the website of WHO, IUDs are identified as鈥渁 safe and effective method of long-term reversible contraception and the most widely used reversible method of contraception in the world today, used by an estimated 100 million women鈥濓紙See the official website of WHO,https://extranet.who.int/rhl/topics/fertility-regulation/contraception/copper-containing-framed-intrauterine-devices-contraception, accessed on September 3, 2020.锛. Some relevant medical studies also confirms that it is necessary that women who use the IUDs go to the hospital for regular checkups to ensure its placement is correct锛圫ee锛歨ttp://www.thepaper.cn/baidu.jsp?contid=1534503, accessed on September 3, 2020.锛. Free regular gynecological examinations provided by Chinese government have effectively reduced or prevented women鈥檚risk of gynecological diseases. The detection rate of women鈥檚 gynecological diseases in Xinjiang has dropped from 41.6% in 2010 to 29.9% in 2018锛圖ate source: the table of 鈥渢he detection of gynecological diseases鈥 inChina Health and Family Planning Statistical Yearbook2010andChina Health Statistics Yearbook 2019.锛. It definitely is a great achievement promoted by Chinese government in the protection of women's rights and interests which cannot be discredited.

It is even more absurd that another lie made by Zenz without any evidence. Zenz claimed that the shares of women aged 18 to 49 who were either widowed or in menopause have more than doubled since the onset of the internment campaign in Kuqa County, because those women鈥檚 husbandsdied of internmentor those women who were detained in the vocational educationand trainingcenters had been forced to be injected Depo-Provera, a well-known long-acting reversible hormonal contraceptive injection. Zenzthus censured Chinese government as the culpritwho caused those women鈥檚 menopause or losingfertilityabilities锛圸enz鈥檚 report, p3, p9.锛.

Scholars and media reporters from many counties have visited the vocational education and training centers in Xinjiang since the centers鈥 establishment. They have fully appreciated that the centers have fully respected students鈥 religious beliefs, spiritual and cultural life. Yet, the so-called evidences Zenzoffering to support his absurd lie were merely his previous article and one table that was quoted from the sixth national population census. This table merely existed inone footnote from Zenz鈥檚report yet cannot be found in the sixth national census鈥檚 report.

 

Lie 6: The natural growth rate of the Han population in oneresidentialdistrict in Hotan was nearly 8 times higher than that of the Uyghur population in 2018.

Zenz stated thatthe natural growth rate of the Han population in Gulbagh Residential District in Hotan was nearly 8 times higher than that of the Uyghur population in 2018, and claimed that 鈥淏eijing is doubling down on a policy of Han settler colonialism鈥濓紙Zenz鈥檚 report锛宲3, p9.锛.

The facts again are distorted. First,Zenz did not indicate the source of the data about the natural population growth rate of Gulbagh Residential District, and thus the authenticity of the data source cannot be verified. Second, a variety of factors may cause the significant change of the natural population growth rate of one district. For instances, the birth rate may significantly increase in one district during a short period, if a large number of young people or new couples flood into this district due to some reasons, such as urban renewal or relocation. Third, Zenz鈥檚 conclusion was invalid as it severelyviolated the basic principle of statistics 鈥 even if the data is true, the change concurring in one districtespeciallyin a very short period would be inadequate to reflect theoverall change in one county or city. Actually,if we comparing the demographic changes of Han population with that of Uighur population in Hotan from 2017 to 2018, it shows that the number of total Uyghur population in Hotan increased, while that of total Han population decreased锛圖ata source: Table 3-7 鈥減opulation by region, state, city, county and by ethnic group鈥 in Xinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2018andXinjiang Statistical Yearbook 2019.锛. In the essence, Zenz鈥檚 conclusion aboutHan settler colonialism鈥漺as totally a liemade by playing the numbers game.


The truth: Reasonable population growth rate and China鈥檚 achievements in protecting women's rights

No dark cloud can forever prevent the sun from shining, and truth is the best lie crusher. The natural population growth rate in Xinjiang since 2010 has indeed shown a declining trend, yet this phenomenon is definitely not caused bythe groundless allegationtrumped up by some western governments and scholars that Chinese governmenthas implemented mandatorybirth control on Uyghur residents. On the contrary, this demographic change reflects China鈥檚 long-term efforts and important achievements in promoting policies to protect the rights and interests of women and children in ethnic minority areas.

Many sociological and demographicresearcheshave pointed out thatthe variationin population fertilityrate is closely related tomany factors including the changesof social policies, the level of social and economic development, women鈥檚 fertility willingness, and population migration. In addition, some studiesalso have emphasized that women's fertility willingnessplays in a crucialrole in affecting the change of fertilityrate锛圙uo Zhigang. 2008. 鈥淐hina's low fertility and its determinants鈥,Population Research, 32(4),1-12.锛. Li and Chang, by analyzingthe data collected by the sixth national censusin 2010, foundsome factors affecting the high fertility rate of Uighurs, including relatively backward social and economic development in local community,women鈥檚early marriages, low education, and women鈥檚 reproductive autonomy restricted by religious beliefs锛圠i Jianxin, and Chang qingling. 2016. 鈥淎nalysis of Marriage and Fertility Status of Xinjiang Uygur锛峜oncentrated areas鈥,Northwest Journal of Ethnology, 88: 118-128.锛.

Looking back to the past ten years, we figure out that thefertility rates of Uighurs and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang has decreased. On the one hand, ethnic minority residents in Xinjiang have continued enjoying equal and even more preferential policies of population and family planning. On the other hand, Xinjiang, especially south Xinjiang, has been experiencing a rapid social and economic development, during which Chinese government has taken a series of policies and measures to promote gender equality andto protect women鈥檚 rights and interests. More and more ethnic minority women have fully enjoyed the right to education and employment and also obtained more autonomy in deciding the fertility issues.

It is a close correlation between the decline in fertility rate andgender equality in education锛圷e Hua, and Wu Xiaogang. 2011. 鈥淔ertility Decline and the Trend in Educational Gender Inequality in China鈥,Sociological Studies,2011(5): 153-177.锛. In past ten years,Uyghur women in Xinjiang havefully enjoyed their rights to be educated. In 2018, the enrollment rate of school-age children in all primary schools in Xinjiang has reached 99.91%, a very high ratio锛圫ee锛歨ttp://www.xinhuanet.com/2019-01/15/c_1123993237.htm, accessed on September 4, 2020.锛. Increasing young Uyghur womenhave gotten the university degree or above. From 1998to 2018,the number of womenin Xinjiang receiving higher education andits proportion ofthe total populationhas increased significantly. According to China Statistical Yearbook, the proportion of the female population aged 6 and over in Xinjiang with auniversitydegree or above hasraisedfrom 5.07% in 1998 to 17.63% in 2018锛圖ata source: Table of 鈥減opulation aged 6 and over by sex and education level by region鈥 fromChina Statistical Yearbook 1999andChina Statistical Yearbook 2019.锛.

As the level of women鈥檚 education increases, young Uyghur women have voluntarily postponed their ages of first marriage and childbearing. Munila, a 25-year-old Uyghur girl from Kashgar, is currently studying in Urumqi for pursing her postgraduate degree锛圛nterviewing conducted in July 24, 2020銆傦級. She has a stable relationship with her boyfriend, yet Munila temporarily has no plan to immediately get married because in her opinion, finding a stable job after graduation school graduates is the priority for her now. In her careful arrangements about the future, the marriage will be considered after she working for one or two years. As for the issue of childbearing, she prefers having one child, and accepts two children on the premise that she and her future husband have the capacity of providing the good living conditions for their children. Compared with her parents, the first marriage age of Munila and her peers has been postponed, however, as Munila told to me, she has not felt any anxiety or pressure on her late marriage from his family.

Aynur,who had grewup in a rural village, now isa 32-year-old young mother from Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture锛圛nterviewing conducted in July 25, 2020銆傦級. She has two sisters and one brother, and she and her two sisters have obtainedthe bachelor鈥檚 degrees and gotten stable jobs now. Aynur returned to Kizilsu after graduating from graduate school in Xinjiang University, has become a high school teacher. She has been married for three years, having one child andbeing pregnantwith her second baby. Aynur and her husband plan to have two children, as this couple hope that two children would accompany with each other in the future. Aynur now can conveniently receive the regular pregnancy checkups during her pregnancy. She also hadenjoyed legal maternity leave and received maternity allowanceduring she having her first child.

The stories of Munila and Aynur vividly reflectthe attitude differences between theUyghuryouth and the generation of their parents towards marriageand childbearing, The young girls concern more about their individual development and occupy more autonomy in choosing their marriage and deciding their future.

Additionally, rural women having more employment chances is one of key reasons that Uyghur rural women has changed their fertility willingness. In recent years,some provincesin central andeastern China have actively assisted Xinjiang to promoteits economic development. In Kashgar, the Industrial Park established by Shenzhen city has provided a large number of jobs for local rural women. Many Uyghur and other ethnic minority women who had only stay at home and taken care of housework, have had the chances to go out of villages and work in the factories锛圫ee this news锛歨ttp://kashi.gov.cn/Item/37385.aspx, accessed on September 4, 2020.锛. Their family income has increased, and their abilities has been improved. The living radiusof Uighur rural womenhas no longer been confined to their families, andwomen鈥檚self-confidence has also increased.Uyghurrural women through working and studying in factories, they have gradually had a comprehensive understanding of family planing policy, and begun to concern more aboutthe quality of their children鈥檚 education, instead of merely pursuing the quantity of bearing children.

The cases and stories above fullydemonstratethat the change of Xinjiang鈥檚 ethnic minority women鈥檚 fertility willingness is not the result of policy compulsion by government, but is derived from their ownchanging willand attitudeon fertility. This change is the significant achievement of China鈥檚 gender and ethnic equality, achieved by thelong-term measures of protecting women鈥檚 rights and interests and the policies of minority preferential treatmentthat Chinese government has unremittingly promoted, and also closely related tothe prosperous and stablesocial atmospherein Xinjiang. China, asa responsible major country,strictly complies and abidesbyUniversal Declaration of Human RightsandThe Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Womenand other international conventions adopted by the United Nations.

Somewestern countries and research institutions, based ontheir ideological prejudice and deliberate purposes, have concocted various absurd lies and maliciously slandered Chinese government by despicable means of fabricating facts and tampering data. However, we firmly believe thatonce the truth comes closer, the lie will run away. The ethnic equality policies implementedby Chinese government definitely willleadpeople of all ethnic groups in Xinjiangtowards a more prosperous and stablefuture.

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